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ADDRESS 



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CITY AND jCCUNTY OF NEW-YORK, 

TO TIIIUll 

REPUBLICAN FELLQW-Cl TIZENS OE .THE 
UNITED STATES. 

Kead and unanimously adopted, at a G-eneval Meeting^ held at 
Mr. A. B. Martling's, Sept. 20, 1S08. 



" Interwoven as is the 'ove of Liberty with every liganient of 
your liearts, tio recomrnsndatlon of mine is necessaiy to fortify 
or crjnfinn the attachiriert. 

" Tiie uniw of pjovernment, w'lic'ii coastiLutcs yon one people, 
JK also now dear to you. It is justly so ; f«r it ;« a rriaiii pillar in 
the edifice of your real independence ; the su]>i»ovt of your tran- 
quility at Iiome, your pence abroad ; of your safety; of your 
prosperity ; of that very Liberty wiiicii you so highly prize." 

WASlU^s'GTaK, 



PUBLISHED BY ORTJF.R OF THE GEUEKAL 
REPUBLICAN MEETING. 



NE^r.YORK: 

PRINTED BY FRANF, WHITE, AND tO^ 

OfEce of tiie Public Advertiser, Nfl. lo2, 
Water-street. 



■M .-7 






lAt d General Meeting of\he Republicans of the City 
of Neiv-Yorkj held at Mr. Abraham B. Marthng'sj 
•« Thursday evenings the I5th September, 1808 ; 

Col. Wm. Few, Chairman. 
IcHABOD Prall, Secretary. 

The following Resolutions were with but few dis- 
puting voices, passed i 

Resolvedy That this meeting continues to repose full 
confidence in the patriotism and wisdom of the PRE- 
SIDENT and of the Republican Majority in both houses 
of the Congress of the United States. 

Resolved, That in our opinion the EMBARGO is a 
prudent, just, and politic measure, rendered necessary 
by the rapacity and depredations of the principal bellige- 
rent nations, and not originating from any events within 
the power of our government to liave controuled — that 
a repeal of the same, under existing circumstances, 
would probably involve us in the calamities of WAR ; 
and, that it is therefore the duty of every faithful citi- 
zen to afford the Administration his firm and decided 
support. 

Resolved, That the present ovvositiq-h to the 
MEASURES of the Administration, merits the se- 
verest reprehension of every true friend to the National 
Independence and Commercial Rights of the United 
States ; particularly as such opposition may encourag;e 



t 4 J 
foreigners to persist in withholding from us our just 
rights, and stimulate them to acts of future hostility and 
aersrression. • 

J?esoived, That a committee be appointed to prepare 
And report a resj>ectful Address to our Republican fel- 
low-citizens of the Unired States, stating our full deter- 
mination to support the government in its patriotic ex- 
ertions to maintain the dignity and rights of our country, 
together with the reasons upon which such determina- 
tion is founded, and, that William Few, Tunis Wort- 
man, Nathan Sanford, Augustus Weight, Abraham 
Bloodgood, Adrian Hegeman, Jonas Humbert, Samuel 
Lawrence, James Townsend, and John Mills, compose 
the said committee. 

Besolved, That this meeting do approve of the 
NOMlNTATION made by a majority of our Republican 
Representatives in Congress, of JAMES MADISON 
as a candidate for the office of President, and Geo. Clin- 
toN for the office of Vice President of the United States. 

Resolved^ That a general meeting of our republican 
fellow citizens, be convened at this place on Tuesday 
evening next, the 20th inst. at 7 o'clock, for the purpose 
of hearing and determining upon the report of the com- 
mittee. 

Resolvedj That tlie proceedings of this meeting be 
published in the Public, Mercantile, and Daily Adver- 
tisers. 

WILLIAM FEW,, Chairman. 
I. PRALL, Secretary. 



C 5 ] 

,4t a General Meeting of the Republicans of the Cltif. 
and County of New-York^ held at A. B. Marfling^s, 
agreeably to public notice, on Tuesday everting, Sep- 
tember 20, 1808, 

Col. Henry Rutgers, Chairman. 

IcHABOD Prall, Secretary. 

The committee appointed for that purpose, reported 
in Address to our Fellow Republicans of the United 
States, which being read, was unanimously adopted and 
approved. 

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to cause the 
Address to be printed, and forwarded to the Republicans 
of the Union ; and that William Few, James Townsend, 
Tunis Wortman, Samuel Lawrence, Augustus Wright, 
John Mills, Adrian Hegeman, Samuel Torbert, Rensse- 
laer Havens, and Jonas Humbert, compose the said 
committee. 

Resolved^ That the Chairman and Secretary of this 
meeting be added to the committee. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be given to 
the Committee which drafted and reported the Address. 

HENRY RUTGERS, Chairman, 
ICHABOD PRALL, Secretary. 



i: 6 ] 

TO THE 

'Republicans of the Ux\ited states. 

Fellow Citizexi;, 

♦ 

AN interesting crisis has taken place in the aifairs of 
our country. The \,ar which during many years had 
agitated the natlop.s of Europe, has at length extended its 
its baneful efi'ects to us. In the course of an arduous con- 
test, France had acquired the absohite dominion of the 
European continent, wliile Great-Britain has maintained 
an unrivalled ascendency upon the ocean. Impregna- 
ble and invulnerable to each other by the operations 
of an ordinary warfare, the high contending powers have 
been driven to a conflict of policy rather than of arms* 
England on one hand, resolved to interdict the furnishing 
supplies to France and her dependencies ; while France, 
on the other, determined to assail the commerce of her 
rival, -which she perceived to be the foundation of her 
power, and the sinews of her maritime greatness. A 
contest so desperate in ks nature, so peculiar in its cha- 
racter, has interrupted or destroyed the intercourse of 
nations. Laws that have followed the footsteps of civil- 
ization, principles rendered venerable by their justice and- 
antiquity; rules v/hich duriag centuries had established 
and confirmed the relative rights and duties of neutrals 
and belligerents, have been openly disregarded. The 
moral code of nations has been sternly prostrated, and 
every privilege of independent states, subverted by the 
arbitrary will of despotism, and by the power of the 
sword. 

Far distant from these dreadful scenes of contention 
and of blood; pursuing an eqaitable and peaceful policy; 
reposing itself upon the wisdom, justice and impartiality 



i 



C 7 ] 

of its measures, our administration foiul'yliopccl. that the 
distant tempest would not approach ; or but slightly aiFect 
our shores. Extending our national hospitality to every 
people; rendering equal justice to all -, conferring upon 
none, a privilege or favour that was denied to another; 
considering them alike as friends in veace, and enemies 
alone in war, it was the only wish of government to 
afford security to the citizen, and to protect him in those 
useful pursuits of agriculture, commerce, and industry, 
which are equally essential to subsistence and to hap- 
piness. 

The farewell advice of the gieat and excellent 
WASHINGTON should be deeply impressed upon our 
minds. '* Observe," said that enlightened patriot, 
*' good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate 
peace and hanr.ony with all; religion and moral it} enjoin 
this conduct, and can it be that good policy decs rot 
equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
and at no distant period, a GREAT NATION, to give 
to mankind, the magnanimous and too noAcl example, of 
a people always guided by an exalted justice and bene- 
volence. Who can doubt, that in the course of tim.e ar.d 
things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any 
temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady 
adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not con- 
nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? 
The experiment at least is recommended by cAcry senti- 
ment M^hich ennobles human nature. Alas! is it ren- 
dered impossible by its vices ? 

" The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign 
nations, is in extending our commercial relations to have 
"with them as little political connexion as possible. So 



C s ] 

far as we liavc already formed engagements, let them be 
fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 

** Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us 
have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must 
be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of 
which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, 
therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, 
by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes o'' her poli- 
tics, or in the ordinary combinations and collisions of her 
friendships or enmities. 

" Our detached anddistajit situation, invites and ena- 
bles us to pursue a different course. If we remain one 
peoplr, under an efficient government, the period is not 
far 01% when we may take such an attitude as will cause 
the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be 
scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations under 
tlie impossibility of making acquisitions upon us will not 
lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may 
choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, 
ishall counsel. 

" Wh y forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why 
by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of 
Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the trials 
of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or 
caprice ?" 

Such was the sage advice afforded by the man who 
has been distinguished by the name of father of his 
country, upon the eve of his retiring-, forever, from pub. 
lie life. — We cannot doubt the sagacity of his judgment, 
nor question the disinterested purity of his intentions. 
Such also h^^ been the oudine of the system pursued bj 



[ 9 ] 

our republican administration with undeviating firmness 
and fidelity. 

At the commencement of the war, which with a tran- 
sient intermission, has so long ravaged the finest coun. 
tries of Europe, the government of these United States, 
determined to adopt and maintain a system of rigid neu- 
trality. At an early period of the contest. Great Britain 
calculating upon the formidable strength of the coalition, i 
openly avowed a war of concjuest and extermination. On 
the eighth of June 1793, she issued her celebrated orders 
in council, declaring, among other infractions of the 
right of neutral commerce, that it should be lawful to 
sieze and detain all vessels, laden in whole or in part 
with corn or meal destined to any port in France, or 
to any place occupied by the French armies. Not- 
withstanding the rigour and injustice of this interdict, 
and notwithstanding the rapacity and spoliations of all 
the belligerents, captures during the first war were 
comparatively less frequent. Our differences were sub- 
mitted to negociation and settled by treatks. Com- 
merce, though greatly harassed, continu .d to flourish 
and remained a source of national revenue as well as 
individual emolument. 

The peace of Amiens wliich had promised to restore 
peace to the world was of but short duration. la the year 
1802, hostilities became renewed with equal asperity and 
vigor. From that period until after 180 , American 
commerce continued with but little variation upon the 
footing of the former war. A change in the British 
ministry took place. Former ministers ^^ ere considereu to 
have been too favorable to the United States. A spirit of 
jealousy was indulged against our trade. We were ac- 
cused with having fraudulently covered enemies property, 

s 



[ 10 ] 

and of being the mere carriers of an enemy's commerce. 
A svstem of severe commercial restriction was, under that 
pretext, meditated an^ avowed by the present cabinet. 

While the court and cabinet of Great-Britain, regard- 
less of every consideration of national righ^ had thus deter- 
mined to restroin the commerce of the United States, the 
decisive victory at Austerl'itz conferred upon their war- 
like rival, the absolute dominion of the continent. On the 
21st November, 1806, as B rlin, the capital of conquer- 
ed Prussia, an imperial decree was passed, declaring the 
British islands in a state of blockade, and prohibiting 
commerce and correspondence with them. This decree 
however was a subject of explanation, and remained for a 
considerable period,unexecuted, or but partially enforced, 
againsi the United States. On the 7th of January, 1807, 
the cabinet of England is; ued retaliating orders, and on 
the lUh November following proclaimed those decisive 
and arbitrary orders of her privy council, by which all 
trade, directly from America, to every port and country 
of Europe, at war with Great Britain, or from which the 
British liag is excluded, is totally prohibited. This pro- 
hibition included every part of the continent of Europe, 
with the single and precarious exception of the " barren 
kingdom of Sweden." 

The United States were indeed permitted to export 
their own produce, directly to Svfedcn alone; but in 
every other case our carj^oes were ordered to be first 
landed in a British port, a British permission for re-ex- 
portation to be obtained, and British duties paid. Those 
new orders, by the confession of an English writer,* were 
of a description to produce a revolution in the whole 
commerce of the world, and a total derangement of those 

* Sir Alexander Baring. 



C 11 ] 

neutral rights and relations by which civilized nations 
liave hitherto been connected. 

The orders of the British privy council were itnme- 
diately followed by the countervailing regulati ns 
passed at Mil m, December 17, 1807. By th';- decree 
of Milan, every vessel which has been visited by an 
English ship, or which has submitted to make a vay- 
age to England, or has paid any duty to the English 
government, is dechred denationalized, to have forfeited 
the rights of her flag, '.nid to be deemed and taken for 
British propert3\ 

Every vessel of whatever nation she may be, or 
whatever description her cargo may be, which is clear- 
ed out in the harbours of England or in English colo- 
nies, or in places in possession of English troops, or 
steering her course to England, Engi'sh colonies, or to 
places in possession of English troops, shall be consi- 
dered good and lawful prize. The Milan decree was 
enforced by a proclamation of the king of Spain«ited 
from Aranjuez, the 3d January last. 

You will readily perceive that adverse orders and de- 
crees so comprehensive in their extent, produced of 
necessity the total annihilation of commerce. We were 
the only neutral nation that aspired to commercial emi- 
nence ; it was therefore perfecdy understood, and must 
have been contemplated by the belligerents, tliat these 
'decrees and orders should b; , and were, principally 
directed against us^ " There scarcely remained a port in 
the world to which a cargo could b^ shipped, or a spot 
upon the ocean that could be nuvigtited with safety. — 
With the single exception of that of Sweder, the whole 
sea-coast of continental Europe, from the ArcJiipelago 
to the mrthest extremity of Noriuay^ was in the poose^:- 



[ 12 ] 

sion of France or of her allies. If we destined a vessel 
to the continent, we violated the orders of privy council ; 
if we sent a ship to an English port, we infringed the 
Berlin decree ; if a vessel Avas bound to Great Britain in 
the first instance, with the view of landing her cargo and 
paying duties there, and from thence proceeding to the 
continent, Vv^e contravened the decree of Milan. In either 
event, there was no escape from capture and from con- 
demnation. The direct operation and manifest inten- 
tion of the British orders were to abrogate every ancient 
principle that had been settled by the law of nations ; to 
render American commerce dependent upon the man- 
date of her privy council, to impose a tax and to create 
a revenue from our trade. We could not submit t® 
these innovations without consenting to become the tri^ 
butaries of England. The decrees of Erance, on the 
other hand, being equally an infraction of the laws of 
nations, sought the destruction of a commerce which her 
enemyhad resolved to abridge, or to regulate in such a 
manner as to render it subservient to its own resources. 
In a state of affairs thus desperate and humiliating, a 
continuance of commerce would have amounted to a 
surrender of our independent rights, equally degrading 
and ruinous. Such an acquiescence could neither have 
been reconciled with the duties of our government, the 
dignity of the nation, the interests of our citizens in 
general, or even with those of the merchant in parti,- 
cular. 

From the stern and arbitrary regulations of the cabi^ • 
nets of Europe, we direct the attention of a moment 
to the conduct of belligerent cruisers on the coast of 
the United States. Our West-India trade, had long 
been infested by the privateers of New- Providence, and 



[ 13 ] ., 

in proportion to their means , I y these cf th,e French. 
But with respect to the English, ^o retrospect r.o ta rtl^er 
than to 1804, detachments from their regular navy were 
stationed along our shore. Our principal seaports were 
closely blockaded, our vessels watched and intercepted, 
our native as well as lawfully naturalized seamen im- 
pressed bv violence, and the whole of our commerce 
subjected to their abuse. Not contented with attacking 
private vessels, they fired at the revenue cutter, station- 
ed at New- York, and commanded by Captain Brewster, 
within our o^\ti waters and acknowledged jurisdiction. 
On the 25th of April, 1806, the murder of Pierce was 
perpetrated within tlie limits of the port of New- York. 
To injure the feelings and prostrate the dignity of our 
country-, the offender, Captain Whitby of the Lcander, 
instead of being punished, is stated to have been elevat- 
ed to a superior command. On the 22d June. 1S07, our 
national frigate the Chesapeake, unprepared for an attack, 
her commander believing his country to remiaiu in a state 
of peace, relying upon the inviolability of our jurisdic- 
tion and the protection of cur laws, was forcibly attacked 
by the Leopard, ship of war, commanded bv Captain 
Humphries, under the superior direction of the British 
admiral Berkely, several of our fellovr citizens killed, and 
some of her seamen, proved to be Americans, impressed 
by violence. Such has been, and such exists the state 
of our affairs. Atrocious iiiiuries have been ap-g'ravated 
by marked and repeated indignities. Each belJigerent 
without exception, had determined that ou: commerce 
should be its victim ; but England in particular, exiiltino- 
in the strength of her navy, open]\- discarded every sem- 
blance of equity and e\ ery appearance of moderation. 
She blockaded our harbours. She captured our merchant 



ships. She attacked a national vessel. She impressed 
and impresses (uu' native mariners, and by the tenor of 
licr conduci «, viiices obdurate and unrelenting hostility. 

The concerns of our country had arrived to an unex- 
ampled crisis. It was necessary to determine upon peace 
or war. The Iatt< r was to be sustained with fortitude, 
if rendered inevitable. The former, unquestionably pre- 
ferable, if possible to preiicrve it, by policy, by the force 
of reason, or evcji by moderate sacrifices. Governmert 
was comp^^lled to elect between its pacific and neutral 
systeni, and an immediate recurrence to hostility. It has 
studied to presovc the liberties, and cherish the interests 
of our country. Commerce rigorously interdicted by 
foreig'.iers could not have been pursued with advantage, 
to any class of our citizens. An equal and impartial in- 
tercourse with the powers at war, was sternly prohibited 
by all, a partial intercourse with ore, must have immedi- 
ately tCjiminated in an open and immediate rjipture with 
tly^ others. 

Fcliow-cilizcns ! Oln' fathers and our elder brothers, 
\\ould not submit to tax.ition by the British parliament. : 
In justice to thtir memoric s, to our cause, and to our 
nation, we cani-ot submit to commercial taxation by an 
English privy council. 

Fcllc^V'Citizp.ns ! We are now a respectable, and in 
the langui'ge of Washington, vrill shortly become a 
creat nation. We have received the inestimable ar.d 
deur-bonglit prize of independence, we now enjoy its 
blessing:;, an 1 shall we not preserve them ? 

Feliovv'-citizens, our flithers and our elder brothers 
were strictly virtuous, they voluntarily abandoned the 
bosoms of their families and every profitable pursuit of 
life. They cheerfully encountered the dangers and hard- 



[ 15 ] 

sHos ofa dreadful and procrastinated war — and shall nofe 
we, enjoying a free and fruitful countr}', endure a tempo- 
rary suspension of trade, which, with ordinary fortitude, 
must bring our enemies to terms ? Have we in a few 
years been rendered so degenerate ? Do we value the in- 
es imable blessings of freedom and independence ? Can 
we expect to retain those blessings, if we cease to strive 
for and to preserve them? 

We entertain no parlialit}', we cherish no preference ; 
we indulge neither causeless prejudices nor partial affec- 
tion towards France or England. Each of those powers 
have deeply injured us, they have equally violated tha 
laws and invaded the sovereign rights of nations. As it is 
our duty, so let it be our determined resolution, to resist 
the injurious decrees of the one, with as much energy as 
the arbitrary orders of the other. The interests and the 
honor of our couatr}' demand this course. 

Fellow citizens, our national character and our public 
interests are at stake. If we surrender now, VvC mav 
yield forever. This is the proud and decisive moment, 
in which we must determine the question, whether we can 
maintain our real independence ? Such is the hapless 
condition of society in that quarter of the globe, that the 
nations of Europe ^vill be constantly Avarring against each 
other. Our country is too iniportaat to remain unno- 
ticed. We must determine to maintain our neutral stand 
at present, or remain exposed to their intrigues, and at- 
tempts to involve us in their incessant strug.n'e.:, lor ever. 
Should they succeed, their attempts will be perpetually 
renewed; if they fail, their present privations and disap- 
pointments will deter them from similar endei vours in 
future times. In maintaini:;g our own, we ar •, ;ij f,.-}; 
contending for the neutral commercial riglits oi evjiv 



[ 16 ] 

people. Our own posterity will bless, and future national 
regard us with approbation and applause. 

Bat indulging a more limited and interested view of 
this iiiiportait subject. Disregarding for a moment 
the dignity of our nation, the honor of our flag, the per- 
manent rights of commerce, our substantial interests and 
future security. What, we may enquire, would have 
been our present condition if the government of our 
country had adopted any difl:erent plan ? Could we in 
any case or by any different course of conduct have expe- 
rienced a more beneficial result ? 

We must be satisfied in the first place that our gov- 
ernment has determined from tfie best and purest inten- 
tions. Indulging no favour or fear, no partiality, aifec- 
tion or preference towards either of the powers at war, 
it has cherished no interest separate from the welfare of 
its country. If the path which it has pursued with in- 
tegrity lias been marked by wisdom,' shall it not receive 
our gratitude and approbation? However aggravated 
the injuries and provocations we have received ; howev- 
er justifiable the measure might have been, suppose that 
abandoning every present prospect and wish of peace, 
we had resolved upon immediate war, would any addi- 
tional good have been obtained, or the interests of any 
portion of our country been better cherished ? War 
would not have promoted agriculture, or have restored 
our commerce. It would have multiplied our expences, 
impelled us to taxation, and , added its every calamity 
to our present comparatively inferior privations. 

Neither was it possible for us to have continued our 
accustomed commerce under the severe restrictions and 
injuries it had experienced. Our vessels would have 
been captured, their cargoes seized, and all inevitably 



[ 17 J 

tondemned. Our brave and unoffending mariners 
would have been exposed to long and hopeless captivity 
and absent from their families and homes, been immur- 
ed in foreign ships, or confined in distarit prisons, during 
tidies in which their services may be most necessary to 
their country, and finally when deprived of our vessels 
and stripped of our property ; when so great a portion of 
our resources, incautiously exposed had fallen, pefhaps 
into the hand of the enemy, without possessing [one ra- 
tional prospect of advantage we must of ncccssit}-, ha\'e 
eeri driven into war. 

It is impossible that we should speak of the existing 
opposition to government in terms of adequate indignation 
and sensibility. If an opposition thus wanton and ui.- 
founded in principle has not been able to ombarrass 
the administration it has at least increased the obstinac}' 
of belligerents and impeded the progress of negociaticn* 
We are common partakers of the benefits of our* coun- 
try, we should sustain its distresses with fortitude and 
fidelity. Your government, your countrymen and friends 
look to you for support. The eyes of foreign nations arc- 
steadfastly directed towards you. The interesting ques- 
tion is now to be decided whether the people of y\m rica 
possess sufficient intelligence and public spirit to .siippcrt 
the measures of their administration, or whether u.cv 
will tamely abandon their cver}^ estimable right to the 
hand of violence and rapine. Let us decide this point 
with dignity and virtue. When France and 1 ritain be- 
hold our steady resolution they v/ill probal ly oe con- 
strained to yield 'heir arrogant pretensions. 

Ill the midst of these difficulties, the gcv.'-nment of 
our country has pursued a course equ.illy distinguished 
by firmness and moderation. In the pursuit of a pacific 



[ 18 ] 
system, it has studied the interests, and regarded the sen- 
timents of the people. The unprejudiced world must 
be convinced that it has been actuated by a sense of jus- 
tice, and not influenced by terror. In all its negociations 
it has respected the proper clanns of other nations ; but 
it has also evinced a full determination never to surren- 
der the essential riglits of our own. The last treaty at- 
tempted to be formed widi Great-Britain, is acknowledg- 
ed by an English author to have been even less flivoura- 
ble to us than that which was granted by Mr. Pitt, and it 
was principally rejected because it contained no substan- 
tial provisions for the security of our seamen. In the 
last negociation with England, it was desired by our go- 
vernment that every subject of difference should have 
been settled, and nothing left to future controversy. At 
the request of Mr. Rose, we chearfully consented to se- 
parate the afiair of the Chesapeake from other topics of 
disDUte ; but that minister neither consented to afford a 
previous satisfaction, nor would he condescend to inform 
V-s what terms v/ere contemplated by his government, as 
a just and necessary reparation. The correspondence 
upon this occasion has been communicated to the public. 
It evinces the utmost spirit of justice and frankness on 
the part of our government; but an unconciliating dis- 
position and total want of candor in the opposite party. 

Representations have been made that our administra- 
tion is adverse to the iiiterests of commerce. Every 
suggestion to that effect is foreign to the truth. Instead 
of being hostile to trade, its best endeavours are exer- 
cised to maintain our commerciiil rights ; such has been 
its regard for commerce, and such its voluntary depend- 
ance upon it, that it has relinquished every species of di- 
rect tax, and placed its reliance upon the resources dc- 



[ 19 ] 

rived from trade. Your own intelligence must deter- 
mine who are the best friends of commerce, those who 
are ably and firmly maintaining our commercial rights, 
or those who for the sake of a temporary, and preca- 
rious traffic, at the risk of war are willing to surrender 
them to a foreign power ? Gk-.dly would our govern- 
ment remove the embargo. Ready it is to renew our ac- 
customed trade, and intercourse with nations the mo- 
ment it can be done without the sacrifice of principles 
and privileges which a virtuous people, and an enlight- 
ened administration can never abandon. 

Fellow-citizens, it is hop<=d that we need not apologize 
for having trespassed thus long on your attention. We 
are the inhabitants of a common country, we possess a 
mutual interest, and are bound by reciprocal obi gations. 
Our nation has been injured ; our administration has 
fliithfully performed its duties. Let us examine the 
measures that have been pursued with candor and impar- 
tiality, and let us afford to a virtuous government, that 
support wb/ich is worthy of a generous, free and en- 
lightened people. 

: And now to you, as republicans, as friends of the con- 
stitution of your country, permit us to make a candid ap- 
peal. We sincerely believe that upon tlie preservation 
of the general republican part\ , under Providence, the 
liberties and happiness of these United Sjtates depend. 
Let us cherish virtuous and salutary principles. Let 
us promote a spirit of union. Let us discounte- 
nance contention and jealousies between state and state ; 
and consider ourselves citizens of one nation, one free 
and happy counMy. In the choice of our general olti- 
cers, let our councils he unmingled by personal prefer- 
ences and local partialities. Let us remember, forever. 



t 20 ] / 

this solemn truth, that our union is the palladi- 
um OF OUR CIVIL LIBERTY. Let US rcsist and pros- 
trate faction, by whatsoever persons, under whatsoever 
form, or with whatsoever pretext, its head may be erect- 
ed. Let us never violate that sacred rule which freedom 
cannot survive, that the will of a majority ought to be 
pursued ; and finally, let us remember, that the existence 
of our Republic depends upon its virtue. And let us 
therefore, fellow-citizens, support the government of our 
choice. Let us also support such candidates for offices 
in the general government, as are regularly selected and 
reconmiended by a republican majority of the 
UNION. Steadfastly pursuing the path of patriotism, 
convinced that we are promoting the happiness of our 
country, however we may lament the errors of opposi- 
tion, we shall feel happy and tranquil in the exercise of 
rectitude and chearfuUy entrust the final success of vir- 
tue to Heaven and to you. 

BY THE MEETING. 

H KNR Y • RUTGERS, Chairman 
ICHABOD PRALL, Secretanj, 
WILLIAM FEW, 
JAMES TOWNSEND, 
TUNIS WORTMAN^ 
SAMUEL LAWRENCE, ' 
AUGUSTUS WRIGHT, 
JOHN MILLS, 
ADRL\N HEGEMAN, 
SAMUEL TORBERT, 
RENSALAER HAVENS, 
JONAS HUMBERT, 

Republican Committee^ « • 

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